2027: Revisiting APC Congresses and the Politics of Keeping Women Out
By Nafisat Bello
There is a familiar rhythm to Nigerian party politics: congresses come and go, alliances shift, communiqués promise inclusion and then, when it matters most, the ticket goes where it has always gone. The recent congresses of the All Progressives Congress (APC) have followed this script with remarkable discipline. Power has moved, yes. But has it moved in a way that opens the door for women in 2027? I am not convinced.
Let us be clear: party congresses are not mere formalities. They decide who controls delegates, who influences primaries, and ultimately, who gets on the ballot. On paper, the APC’s congress outcomes suggest a degree of inclusion, more women visible in party structures, more seats at the table. But politics is not about where you sit; it is about what you can decide. And in that regard, the real levers of power remain firmly in familiar hands.
This is the paradox of progress in Nigerian politics: visibility without viability.
From the outside, it is tempting to celebrate incremental gains. A woman emerges as a state vice-chair here, another leads a strategic committee there. These are not insignificant achievements. But they do not, on their own, produce candidates. The journey from congress delegate to governorship or legislative ticket is not a straight line, it is a maze shaped by money, influence, and unwritten rules that have historically excluded women.
As 2027 approaches, three forces will quietly but decisively shape who flies the APC’s flag: winnability, zoning, and financing. Each of them, in its current form, narrows the path for women.
First is the idea of “winnability” that elusive, often subjective standard party elites invoke to justify their choices. In practice, it tends to reward those who have held power before. Since fewer women have been given that opportunity, they are judged as less “proven,” and therefore less “electable.” It is a circular argument that keeps repeating itself: women are not selected because they have not won, and they have not won because they are not selected.
Read Also:
Then comes “zoning”, the unwritten constitution of Nigerian politics. It is designed to balance regional interests and maintain party cohesion. But zoning, as it is currently practiced, is gender-blind. When a position is allocated to a particular region or state, the contest that follows is usually dominated by established male actors within that zone. Women are not just competing, they are competing on uneven ground.
And finally, there is “money”, the most decisive factor of all. The cost of political participation in Nigeria is not just high; it is prohibitive. From nomination forms to delegate mobilization, the financial barriers are steep. Women, who often have less access to patronage networks and deep-pocketed sponsors, are effectively screened out long before the primaries begin.
This is why the real test of the APC’s commitment to inclusion will not be the congress headlines, but the primary election lists. Who gets the tickets? Who is backed by the party machinery? Who is quietly asked to step down?
Without structural changes, the answers are predictable.
We have seen this before: a few prominent women are spotlighted, often in symbolic or less competitive roles, while the most viable tickets remain within entrenched networks. It is a strategy that allows parties to claim progress without surrendering control. Inclusion becomes a performance, not a policy.
If the APC truly wants to change this narrative ahead of 2027, it must go beyond optics. It must confront the architecture of exclusion embedded within its own processes.
This means rethinking how tickets are allocated, not as rewards for loyalty alone, but as instruments of representation. It means lowering financial barriers in a way that is consistent, not occasional. And crucially, it means embedding gender into zoning arrangements, so that balance is not only regional, but also equitable.
These are not radical ideas. They are practical steps toward aligning political practice with democratic ideals. But they require something that is often in short supply: the willingness to disrupt the status quo.
Last note:
The APC congresses have reshuffled internal power, but reshuffling is not the same as restructuring. For women, the journey from congress participation to electoral candidacy remains constrained by entrenched systems of ticket allocation, financing, and zoning that have yet to evolve in any meaningful way.
The window for change is not closed but it is narrowing. If 2027 is to mark a genuine shift rather than a repetition of past patterns, the party must move beyond symbolic inclusion to structural reform.
Otherwise, the story of women’s political participation will remain one of presence without power and promise without payoff.
That is not a future we should accept quietly.
